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    英语演讲3. FDR - First Inaugural Address



    2008-10-16 22:19

    英语演讲3. FDR - First Inaugural Address


    3. FDR - First Inaugural Address

    Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:

    This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans
    that on my induction
    into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which
    the present situation of our people impels.

    This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need
    we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure,
    as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.

    So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that
    the only thing we have to fear is fear itself nameless,
    unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to
    convert retreat
    into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor
    has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which
    is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again
    give that support to leadership in these critical days.

    In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank
    God, only material things.
    Values have shrunk to fantastic levels. taxes have risen. our ability
    to pay has fallen. government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income. the
    means of exchange are frozen
    in the currents of trade. the withered leaves of industrial
    enterprise lie on every side. farmers find no markets for their produce. and the savings of
    many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens
    face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great
    number toil with little return. Only a
    foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.

    And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of
    locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and
    were not afraid, we have still
    much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and
    human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it
    languishes in the very sight of the supply. #p#副标题#e#

    Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed,
    through their own stubbornness and their own
    incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have
    abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public
    opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. True,
    they have tried. But their efforts have
    been cast in the pattern of an outworn
    tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have
    proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which
    to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully

    for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of selfseekers.
    They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.

    Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We
    may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the
    extent to which we apply social values more noble than
    mere monetary profit.

    Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money. it lies in the joy of achievement, in the
    thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in
    the mad chase of evanescent
    profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost
    us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to
    minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.

    Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand
    with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be
    valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit. and there must
    be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often
    has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing.
    Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it
    thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and
    on unselfish performance. without
    them it cannot live.

    Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.
    This Nation is asking for action, and action now.
    Our greatest primary task is to
    put people to work. This is no
    unsolvable problem if we face it
    wisely and courageously.

    It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the
    Government itself, treating the task as we would treat
    the emergency of a war, but at the
    same time, through this employment, accomplishing great greatly
    needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great
    natural resources. #p#副标题#e#

    Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population
    in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide
    a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.

    Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and
    with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing
    realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small
    homes and our
    farms. It can be helped by insistence that
    the Federal, the State, and the local governments
    act forthwith on the demand that
    their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the
    unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered,
    uneconomical, unequal. It can be
    helped by national planning for and supervision
    of all forms of transportation and of
    communications and other utilities that
    have a definitely public character. There are many
    ways in which it can be helped, but it can
    never be helped by merely talking about

    We must act. We must act quickly.

    And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two
    safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and
    credits and investments. There must be an
    end to speculation with other people's money. And
    there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.

    These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in
    special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall
    seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.

    Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in
    order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though
    vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to
    the establishment of a sound national economy. I
    favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first
    things first. I shall spare no effort to
    restore world trade by international economic readjustment. but the emergency at
    home cannot wait on that accomplishment.

    The basic thought
    that guides these specific means of national recovery is not
    nationally narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first
    consideration, upon the interdependence
    of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America a
    recognition of the old and permanently important
    manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way
    to recovery. It is the immediate way. It
    is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure. #p#副标题#e#

    In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation
    to the policy of the good neighbor: the
    neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of
    others. the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements
    in and with a world of neighbors.

    If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before,
    our interdependence on each other. that we can not merely take, but we must give as well.
    that if we are to go
    forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for
    the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made,
    no leadership becomes effective.

    We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline,
    because it makes possible a leadership which aims at
    the larger good. This, I propose to offer,
    pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon
    us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation
    with a unity of duty hitherto
    evoked only in times of armed strife.

    With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our
    people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.

    Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we
    have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so
    simple, so practical
    that it is possible always to
    meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of
    essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly
    enduring political mechanism the modern world
    has ever seen.

    It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife,
    of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative
    authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet
    the unprecedented task before us.
    But it may be that an
    unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action
    may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.

    I am prepared under my constitutional duty to
    recommend the measures that a stricken
    nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures
    as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my
    constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.

    But, in the event that the Congress shall fail
    to take one of these two courses, in the event
    that the national emergency is still critical, I shall
    not evade the clear course of duty that will then
    confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis
    broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that
    would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.

    For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit
    the time. I can do no less.

    We face the arduous days that
    lie before us in the warm courage of national
    unity. with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral
    values. with the clean satisfaction
    that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of
    a rounded, a permanent national life.

    We do not distrust the the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States
    have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that
    they want direct, vigorous
    action. They have asked for discipline and direction
    under leadership. They have made me the
    present instrument of their wishes. In
    the spirit of the gift I take it.

    In this dedication In
    this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.
    May He protect each and every one of us.
    May He guide me in the days to come.